The League of Women Voters a nonprofit,
nonpartisan organization whose purpose is to
promote political responsibility |
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| Taxable Income | Tax: |
| $ 20,000 |
$ 280 |
| $ 50,000 | $ 805 |
| $ 100,000 | $ 2,750 |
| $ 150,000 | $ 5,512 |
| $ 300,000 | $ 15,067 |
|
Value of Property |
Tax Rate
|
Prop. Tax
|
High Rate
|
Prop.Tax
|
Low Rate
|
Prop.Tax
|
|
$50,000 |
$2.40 |
$1200 |
$3.50 |
$1750 |
$1.50 |
$750 |
|
100,000 |
2400 |
3500 |
1500 |
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|
200,000 |
4800 |
7000 |
3000 |
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|
300,000 |
7200 |
10,500 |
4500 |
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|
400,000 |
9600 |
14,000 |
6000 |
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|
500,000 |
12,000 |
17,500 |
7500 |
Increase State Share of School Costs
Taking a long range view, the state program which has had the greatest effect in reducing and equalizing the property tax burden and assuring high quality service has been state aid for public education. From a low of 21% in the 1960s, state aid has grown in dollars and as a proportion of education spending to over 40 percent. Excessively high tax rates in less affluent rural, urban and suburban communities have been reduced as the state increased aid designed to equalize access to fiscal resources. State aid also has kept property taxes down everywhere with high levels of support for categorical programs such as special education, transportation, bilingual education etc. Nevertheless, massive disparities in local school property tax rates still exist ranging from no tax at all to over $4.00. (2) With 54 percent of property tax revenues being spent to fund public education, the League of Women Voters believes that increasing state school aid is a proven means of reducing property taxation and equalizing the tax burden borne by citizens in different school districts. Since the New Jersey Constitution makes the state responsible for the provision of a thorough and efficient system of education for all children, increasing the states share of school costs is a rational choice as a means for reducing property taxation. Among pressing needs for increased state education funding is building and renovation of facilities Enrollment has increased by over 13% during the 1990s, more than 20,000 additional students each year. There also is a massive backlog of facilities needs statewide. While estimates differ, the total certainly exceeds $6 billion. The New Jersey Supreme Court also has ruled that the state must identify and fund building and renovation of facilities in the 28 poor, urban Abbott districts. The state debt service program which helps less affluent districts pay for capital expenditures is underfunded by millions of dollars, unfairly shifting the burden to local property taxpayers. Adding to already excessive property taxes to fund billions of dollars of school construction would exacerbate tax inequities and negative impacts we presently suffer and simply would not be possible in many poorer or high property tax municipalities.
The two major strategies for simultaneously reducing property taxes and equalizing differences in the property tax burden among taxpayers are a circuit breaker system which provides relief to the taxpayer when property taxes exceed a specified percent of income and a homestead exemption system which shields a portion of the value of the home from property taxes. A pure circuit breaker program provides the most equalization of inequitable tax burdens by providing relief only to those who qualify when their property taxes exceed a proportion of total income set by the legislature. The cost to the state to fund this kind of program is significantly lower because tax relief is not given to everyone regardless of wealth or low tax burden. Usually the state sets an upper limit to the amount of relief it will give a household as a means of controlling the cost, and therefore the amount of state taxes it must raise to fund the program. Refunds to eligible households can be made through the income tax system, avoiding the cost of administering a separate rebate program. This is far less costly than the separate individual rebate program used by New Jersey for its homestead rebate system. The cost of the program escalates rapidly if elected officials choose the politically safer route of giving everyone some money back. The escalating cost is accompanied by less equalization of the property tax burden. Since the early 1970s, The League of Women Voters has supported the use of a circuit breaker system of property tax relief because it targets relief to those bearing the heaviest tax burden, it provides the greatest equalization of tax burden, and controls the cost to the state for replacing property taxes by limiting it to the taxpayers with the greatest need. The homestead exemption makes a specified amount of the value of a home exempt from property tax, such as the first $10,000 or $20,000 of value. Every homeowner benefits from the exemption. Unless the state replaces lost property tax revenue with state revenues, this does nothing more than shift the property tax burden within a community. With state replacement, the exemption system helps to equalize the tax burden on taxpayers because it does two things:
The drawback of the homestead exemption is that it provides relief to every homeowner regardless of income, need, or tax burden. It provides relief in very low property tax areas as well as high. The cost of the program is relatively high and the capability to equalize the tax burden is reduced because everyone is included. The power of the homestead exemption to equalize tax burdens among individuals and municipalities could be increased by providing a higher exemption to lower income taxpayers. A companion program to provide property tax relief to renters must accompany legislation implementing either a circuit breaker or homestead exemption program of tax relief. Many renters are low income citizens who spend a high proportion of income for property taxes because of higher rental costs resulting from high property taxes..
LWVNJ urges that a number of existing property tax relief programs be rescinded because they fail to reduce tax burden inequities, or even further increase the regressiveness of the property tax. The revenues presently used to fund these programs would then be available to support more effective property relief programs.
The League of Women Voters strongly urges that sales and excise taxes not be increased to provide funding for property tax relief programs. Studies of the tax systems of New Jersey and other states clearly shows that these sources of revenue place a significantly heavier tax burden on middle and lower income families than on wealthier households. Some individual taxes of this type are more regressive than the property tax. Use of these taxes would exacerbate the present inequities in New Jerseys state tax structure.
The most obvious source of revenue to attack overuse of property taxes is the personal income tax which is dedicated in the New Jersey Constitution to reduction or offsetting of taxes on land and buildings. Furthermore, it is a progressive tax based on ability to pay. Income tax rates were cut by 30% during the middle 1990s reducing revenue available for property tax relief. Many citizens reported seeing little relief from the income tax reduction, especially in comparison to increases in property taxes. This is understandable since most taxpayers pay several times more in property taxes than the income tax. An examination of the distribution of income among income groups in New Jersey shows clearly that increases in income tax rates on more affluent households are a reasonable means of achieving greater tax fairness and reducing other negative impacts of heavy property taxation. In 1995, 268,000 of 4 million New Jersey households received $45 billion of a total of $153 billion of income. This translates into 6.6% of households receiving 29.4% of all personal income.
Are affluent families overtaxed in comparison to other states? A comparison of the income tax burden shows New Jersey is number 35 of 50 when ranked as a percentage of personal income. On a per capita basis, the ranking is 14. However, both of these figures are based on 1995 numbers when only 5% of the 30% income tax cut had taken effect. Our rankings are undoubtedly lower now. New Jerseys top tax rate is 6.37%, but twenty other states have a higher top rate, up to 12%. There is room to increase rates and remain competitive. An increase in New Jerseys top rate can raise a very significant amount of revenue. The Office of Legislative Services has estimated that a 3% increase on single people earning $75,000 and $150,000 for a couple would raise $1.2 billion. The NJ tax increase for a couple with an annual income of $240,000 would be $2,700. However, actual cost would be decreased because US income tax would be reduced by $972 (36% rate) resulting in a real increase of $1,728. Any increased revenue would go into the dedicated Property Tax Relief Fund. The League of Women Voters of New Jersey supports returning income tax rates to those existing before the reductions beginning in 1994 with the exception of the rate on the highest income level which should be increased substantially. Addition of another tax rate for the most affluent households might be considered.
The wealthiest New Jersey households control an enormous proportion of intangible assets such as stocks, bonds, trusts and business equity. A recent estimate by OLS indicates that the wealthiest 10% of households own $358 billion of these assets. The amount is almost equal to the entire value of all homes in the state. The major assets held by the majority of households, a home and automobile both are taxed annually (property taxes and license and registration fees), and there is a sales tax on automobiles and a tax when a home is sold. Only income or capital gains from intangible assets are taxed in New Jersey. A tax on stocks and bonds is common in other nations and some states and local governments in the US. Very low tax rates are levied above a very high threshold of intangible assets. LWVNJ believes that the state should undertake a study of countries and states which levy taxes on intangible assets to evaluate its effects and determine if it would be advantageous for New Jersey to adopt such a program as a means of reducing overuse of property taxes.
Daniel H. Levine, a tax expert, writes that New Jerseys corporate taxes are spectacularly out-dated and fail to reflect the states modern, international, service-based economy or the complexities of federal law. Business tax are inequitable with manufacturing and production taxed heavily while the service sector does not carry its fair share. Because our neighboring state have similarly inequitable and obsolete business taxes, Levine urges initiation of regional meetings in order to equitably and similarly broaden the tax base of each state. The failure to change our business tax structure to reflect changes in businesses not only places inequitable tax burdens on certain types of business, it also reduces revenue to the state. Although business has prospered in New Jersey from 1985 to 1997, revenue from the corporation business tax has increased by only $436 million. During this same period, property taxes grew by seven billion dollars, or sixteen times as much.
A recent study found that from 1988 to 1995, 80% of New Jersey wage earners suffered a loss of income or saw no increase. From 1985 to 1997, property taxes more than doubled to $7 billion. With reduced income and continuing property tax increases, the great majority of New Jersey families are paying an ever-increasing share of their income for taxes on their residence. This is reducing the present quality of their lives and threatening their hopes for educating their children and providing for retirement. New Jersey has now reached a point where excessive property taxes are eroding citizen support for public education as people are forced to choose between necessities and schools Senior citizens are forced from their homes. Younger people are forced to migrate south and west destroying open space, jamming the highways, increasing pollution. The destructive effects on our families, our communities, our schools and our environment are increasing. It is already late. It's time to act now.
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